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Presumed Guilty

How the Supreme Court Empowered the Police and Subverted Civil Rights

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1 of 1 copy available
1 of 1 copy available

An unprecedented work of civil rights and legal history, Presumed Guilty reveals how the Supreme Court has enabled racist policing and sanctioned law enforcement excesses through its decisions over the last half-century.

Police are nine times more likely to kill African-American men than they are other Americans—in fact, nearly one in every thousand will die at the hands, or under the knee, of an officer. As eminent constitutional scholar Erwin Chemerinsky powerfully argues, this is no accident, but the horrific result of an elaborate body of doctrines that allow the police and, crucially, the courts to presume that suspects—especially people of color—are guilty before being charged.

Today in the United States, much attention is focused on the enormous problems of police violence and racism in law enforcement. Too often, though, that attention fails to place the blame where it most belongs, on the courts, and specifically, on the Supreme Court. A "smoking gun" of civil rights research, Presumed Guilty presents a groundbreaking, decades-long history of judicial failure in America, revealing how the Supreme Court has enabled racist practices, including profiling and intimidation, and legitimated gross law enforcement excesses that disproportionately affect people of color.

For the greater part of its existence, Chemerinsky shows, deference to and empowerment of the police have been the modi operandi of the Supreme Court. From its conception in the late eighteenth century until the Warren Court in 1953, the Supreme Court rarely ruled against the police, and then only when police conduct was truly shocking. Animating seminal cases and justices from the Court's history, Chemerinsky—who has himself litigated cases dealing with police misconduct for decades—shows how the Court has time and again refused to impose constitutional checks on police, all the while deliberately gutting remedies Americans might use to challenge police misconduct.

Finally, in an unprecedented series of landmark rulings in the mid-1950s and 1960s, the pro-defendant Warren Court imposed significant constitutional limits on policing. Yet as Chemerinsky demonstrates, the Warren Court was but a brief historical aberration, a fleeting liberal era that ultimately concluded with Nixon's presidency and the ascendance of conservative and "originalist" justices, whose rulings—in Terry v. Ohio (1968), City of Los Angeles v. Lyons (1983), and Whren v. United States (1996), among other cases—have sanctioned stop-and-frisks, limited suits to reform police departments, and even abetted the use of lethal chokeholds.

Written with a lawyer's knowledge and experience, Presumed Guilty definitively proves that an approach to policing that continues to exalt "Dirty Harry" can be transformed only by a robust court system committed to civil rights. In the tradition of Richard Rothstein's The Color of Law, Presumed Guilty is a necessary intervention into the roiling national debates over racial inequality and reform, creating a history where none was before—and promising to transform our understanding of the systems that enable police brutality.
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    • Library Journal

      March 1, 2021

      Dean of the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law, Chemerinsky argues that the emergence of a conservative Supreme Court has continued to sustain America's long history of racist policing, with rulings that have allowed stop-and-frisks, discouraged suits aimed at police reform, and failed to challenge the use of chokeholds. The solution? A court system rededicated to civil rights.

      Copyright 2021 Library Journal, LLC Used with permission.

    • Publisher's Weekly

      June 7, 2021
      UC Berkeley law school dean Chemerinsky (We the People) delivers a sharp and timely critique of the Supreme Court for “favor the interests of law enforcement over the rights of individuals.” By undermining constitutional protections against self-incrimination and unreasonable government searches and seizures, Chemerinsky argues, the court has helped create a racist criminal justice system that fails to hold police accountable for their misconduct. He delves into the 1968 Terry v. Ohio decision that facilitated New York City’s controversial “stop-and-frisk” policy, as well as more technical rulings based on esoteric concepts such as “standing,” which has been applied by the court to limit the rights of victims of police misconduct to sue to prevent future misconduct. Other enlightening case studies include Harlow v. Fitzgerald (1982), which revised the legal standard for “qualified immunity,” making it more difficult, according to Chemerinsky, to hold police officers responsible for excessive use of force and other civil rights violations. His suggestions for reform include bans on “no-knock” warrants and other dangerous police practices, and a federal law mandating that police departments “record and report all uses of force.” Lucid explanations of constitutional law and Chemerinsky’s deep knowledge of the Supreme Court’s inner workings make this an essential contribution to the debate over police reform.

    • Kirkus

      June 15, 2021
      The veteran legal affairs expert offers a powerful attack on a judiciary committed to advancing the police state. There was little in the way of formal policing in this country until the later 19th century, writes Chemerinsky, who has authored multiple notable books on systemic legal problems in the U.S. Before that, municipalities relied on night watchmen who might occasionally arrest a presumed wrongdoer, a system that "was cheap to administer." An important consideration is that these police were not subject to the guarantees of the Bill of Rights and later amendments. Instead, the supposition all the way up to the level of the Supreme Court was that only the federal government was bound to honor unreasonable search rules and the like. "For a very brief time in the 1960s," he writes, "the Warren Court expanded...constitutional rights and sought to significantly limit certain types of police misconduct. But overall the Warren Court was an aberration in American history." Instead, the court has taken steps to make police immune from being sued for damages, a matter now being tested in the George Floyd case. However, Chemerinsky observes, the very restraints that were used on Floyd were approved by a court ruling in 1983, such that "federal courts cannot hear cases that challenge the chokehold and seek to stop it from being used." (The logic behind the court's ruling, writes the author, is particularly contorted.) Even equal protection rules are overlooked while it is statistically inarguable that most police violence is directed toward minorities. "In 2016," to name just one year, "Black males between fifteen and thirty-four were nine times more likely than other Americans to be killed by law enforcement officers." Chemerinsky does not join the call to defund law enforcement agencies; he argues the police would merely be privatized to serve the rich. Instead, he suggests that because the Supreme Court will not restrain the police, "state courts can and should invoke state constitutions in order to do so." Necessary reading for civil libertarians, public defenders, and activists.

      COPYRIGHT(2021) Kirkus Reviews, ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

    • Booklist

      July 1, 2021
      The conversation around police reform and the rights of citizens who interact with the criminal justice system is a wide-ranging one, but rarely has it considered the ways in which the landscape of American policing has been shaped by Supreme Court decisions. Legal scholar Chemerinsky (The Case against the Supreme Court, 2014) considers the numerous Supreme Court cases that have undermined civil rights while empowering law-enforcement officials. Citizen protections have been whittled away through ever-narrowing interpretations of what those protections mean, and remedies against police overreach and abuse have likewise been removed or gutted. Apart from a brief window of time in which the Warren court greatly expanded the rights of suspects, the Supreme Court has consistently ruled in favor of law enforcement, making it all but impossible for average Americans to assert their constitutional rights or receive compensation for violations of those rights. Presumed Guilty is a methodical and damning catalogue of how the highest court in the land has chosen to empower police forces at the expense of suspects, bystanders, and justice itself.

      COPYRIGHT(2021) Booklist, ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

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